International Gramsci Society Archive
The IGS Archive is a platform for members of the International Gramsci Society to share their research papers and publications, via free access, facilitating the exchange of ideas and information across the globe.
Il giudice che ingannò Gramsci / The judge who deceived Gramsci
On several occasions, Gramsci attributed to the judge in charge of the pre-trial investigation which culminated in his conviction behaviors or intentions favorable to himself or, more generally, to the defendants in the case. This judge was the military examining magistrate Enrico Macis, serving at the Tribunale del corpo d’armata territoriale in Milan.
This essay examines Judge Macis’s conduct in light of both new documents and previously known documents to assess the extent to which Gramsci’s claims reflected reality or stemmed from distortions for which the judge himself was responsible.
Gramsci’s statements —along with those made by other defendants—are first presented (Section 1) and then analyzed based on a reconstruction of the investigation’s key stages and of the specific issues raised in those claims (Sections 2 and 3). For instance, the study addresses the circumstances surrounding Gramsci’s transfer from Ustica to Milan (Section 3.1) and Gramsci’s interpretation of the letter Ruggero Grieco wrote to him on February 10, 1928 (Section 3.5).
Our conclusions suggest that Macis repeatedly attempted to manipulate Gramsci and other defendants. This confirms the assessment made by Piero Sraffa as early as 1937—shortly after Gramsci’s death—that Macis’s conduct followed the standard handbook of an examining magistrate, a key part of which involved manipulating defendants to sow distrust.
Our research demonstrates that the success of this strategy relied heavily on fortuitous events that allowed the judge to blend truth with falsehoods. Of particular importance is the detailed reconstruction of how the order to arrest Gramsci and transfer him to Milan was transmitted to Palermo and Ustica and the fact that, in all likelihood, Macis expressed genuine astonishment when Gramsci complained about the manner in which he had been transported from Ustica to Milan. Equally important are the hypotheses we can formulate regarding the circumstances that allowed Macis to convince Gramsci that Grieco’s letter had had dire consequences for his fate—by blocking an attempt to secure his release through an exchange for Catholic priests held in the Soviet Union—even though it is probable that Macis had possessed no information about such an exchange proposal and that the letter had had no such effect.
Macis succeeded in presenting himself to Gramsci as trustworthy and in planting the suspicion that someone within his party was working to thwart efforts to secure his release; yet his success was not total. Gramsci never abandoned his political allegiance or his party—neither before, during, nor after the trial—nor did he yield to attempts to induce him to renounce his principles and petition for a pardon from his jailer, Benito Mussolini. Nevertheless, the fact remains that Macis inflicted a wound upon Gramsci, the effects of which continued to manifest themselves over the years.
Spostamenti, catalogazione e conservazione dei Quaderni del carcere (second draft – uploaded on 18 Jan. 2024)
The essay reconstructs some events which, even though not directly concerning either the content or the composition of Antonio Gramsci’s Notebooks, crucially marked their existence. They may be included in four main groups: (1) the January 1934 shipment of the notebooks Gramsci had had in Turi prison; (2) the numbering and cataloguing of Gramsci’s notebooks made by Tatiana Schucht few weeks after Gramsci’s death; (3) their shipment to Moscow, between 1937 and 1938, their preservation in Soviet Union and their return to Rome after the end of the Second World War; (4) the differences in the ways Gramsci’s Notebooks were counted. The proposed reconstruction will stress the importance of often underestimated data: the presence of a sketchbook among those normally referred to as notebooks; the fact that Tatiana herself, while numbering thirty-one of Gramsci’s notebooks, did not number two large-format notebooks, which can be assumed to have remained separate from the others for a long time; the existence of two other large-format notebooks on which Tatiana began to prepare, without completing them, a catalogue of the topics and a complete transcription of the notebooks written by Gramsci. It will be clear that the hypotheses put forward by those who supported the thesis of the subtraction of one or more notebooks lack solid foundations and are unnecessary.
Sentieri gramsciani
La tardiva fortuna del concetto di “rivoluzione passiva” (1972-1980)
La categoria gramsciana iniziò a essere studiata solo negli anni Settanta. L’interpretazione del fascismo come modernizzazione. Il riformismo dall’alto per evitare un esito rivoluzionario della crisi. Il bisogno di una «anti-rivoluzione passiva». Il dibattito gramsciano e la politica del Pci. Le letture di Louis Althusser e Stuart Hall.
Autonomía y acotación de lo político. Una reflexión actual a partir de Antonio Gramsci y Carl Schmitt
Gramsci y la cuestión militar argentina. Apuntes críticos para pensar la violencia estatal
¿Por qué Gramsci?
La reserva liberal en la teoría de la hegemonía
Lo político y la derrota. Un contrapunto entre Antonio Gramsci y Carl Schmitt (fragmento introducción)
Gramsci e i Consigli nel “biennio rosso” 1919-1920
La teorizzazione gramsciano dei Consigli di fabbrica è estremamente peculiare e si distingue sia dalla teoria (e dalla pratica) dei Soviet russi, sia dalla visione che dei Consigli ebbero altri politici e teorici italiani. In Italia le tesi di Gramsci e dell’Ordine Nuovo furono contrastate da Bordiga come da Serrati, come da Tasca (differenziatosi dal resto del gruppo dell’Ordine Nuovo). L’articolo ricostruisce la visione gramsciana dei Consigli in rapporto con le lotte del 1919-1920 così come venne sviluppandosi sulle pagine del settimanale “Ordine Nuovo”: un nuovo tipo di democrazia, anti-parlamentare, che doveva costituire la base di un nuovo Stato proletario, caratterizzato dalla partecipazione democratica dei lavoratori a partire dalla fabbrica e dai luoghi di lavoro e produzione, sulla scia di alcune osservazioni di Marx, dallo scritto “Sulla questione ebraica” a quello sulla Comune di Parigi.







